Guillaume Thierry, professor of Cognitive Neuroscience, Bangor University
Have you ever worried in your student years or later in life that
time may be starting to run out to achieve your goals? If so, would it
be easier conveying this feeling to others if there was a word meaning
just that? In German, there is. That feeling of panic associated with
one’s opportunities appearing to run out is called Torschlusspanik.
German has a rich collection of such terms, made up of often two,
three or more words connected to form a superword or compound word.
Compound words are particularly powerful because they are (much) more
than the sum of their parts. Torschlusspanik, for instance, is literally
made of “gate”-“closing”-“panic”.
If you get to the train station a little late and see your train’s
doors still open, you may have experienced a concrete form of
Torschlusspanik, prompted by the characteristic beeps as the train doors
are about to close. But this compound word of German is associated with
more than the literal meaning. It evokes something more abstract,
referring to the feeling that life is progressively shutting the door of
opportunities as time goes by.
English too has many compound words. Some combine rather concrete
words like “seahorse”, “butterfly”, or “turtleneck”. Others are more
abstract, such as “backwards” or “whatsoever”. And of course in English
too, compounds are superwords, as in German or French, since their
meaning is often distinct from the meaning of its parts. A seahorse is
not a horse, a butterfly is not a fly, turtles don’t wear turtlenecks,
etc.
One remarkable feature of compound words is that they don’t translate
well at all from one language to another, at least when it comes to
translating their constituent parts literally. Who would have thought
that a “carry-sheets” is a wallet – porte-feuille –, or that a “support-throat” is a bra – soutien-gorge – in French?
This begs the question of what happens when words don’t readily
translate from one language to another. For instance, what happens when a
native speaker of German tries to convey in English that they just had a
spurt of Torschlusspanik? Naturally, they will resort to paraphrasing,
that is, they will make up a narrative with examples to make their
interlocutor understand what they are trying to say.
But then, this begs another, bigger question: Do people who have
words that simply do not translate in another language have access to
different concepts? Take the case of hiraeth
for instance, a beautiful word of Welsh famous for being essentially
untranslatable. Hiraeth is meant to convey the feeling associated with
the bittersweet memory of missing something or someone, while being
grateful of their existence. Hiraeth is not nostalgia, it is not anguish, or frustration,
or melancholy, or regret. And no, it is not homesickness, as Google
translate may lead you to believe, since hiraeth also conveys
the feeling one experiences when they ask someone to marry them and they
are turned down, hardly a case of homesickness.
Different words, different minds?
The existence of a word in Welsh to convey this particular feeling
poses a fundamental question on language–thought relationships. Asked in
ancient Greece by philosophers such as Herodotus (450 BC), this
question has resurfaced in the middle of the last century, under the
impetus of Edward Sapir and his student Benjamin Lee Whorf, and has become known as the linguistic relativity hypothesis.
Linguistic relativity is the idea that language, which most people
agree originates in and expresses human thought, can feedback to
thinking, influencing thought in return. So, could different words or
different grammatical constructs “shape” thinking differently in
speakers of different languages? Being quite intuitive, this idea has
enjoyed quite of bit of success in popular culture, lately appearing in
a rather provocative form in the science fiction movie Arrival.
Although the idea is intuitive for some, exaggerated claims have been
made about the extent of vocabulary diversity in some languages.
Exaggerations have enticed illustrious linguists to write satirical
essays such as “the great Eskimo vocabulary hoax”,
where Geoff Pullum denounces the fantasy about the number of words used
by Eskimos to refer to snow. However, whatever the actual number of
words for snow in Eskimo, Pullum’s pamphlet fails to address an
important question: what do we actually know about Eskimos’ perception
of snow?
No matter how vitriolic critics of the linguistic relativity
hypothesis may be, experimental research seeking scientific evidence for
the existence of differences between speakers of different languages
has started accumulating at a steady pace. For instance, Panos Athanasopoulos
at Lancaster University, has made striking observations that having
particular words to distinguish colour categories goes hand-in-hand with
appreciating colour contrasts. So, he points out, native speakers of Greek, who have distinct basic colour terms for light and dark blue (ghalazio and ble
respectively) tend to consider corresponding shades of blue as more
dissimilar than native speaker of English, who use the same basic term
“blue” to describe them.
But scholars including Steven Pinker
at Harvard are unimpressed, arguing that such effects are trivial and
uninteresting, because individuals engaged in experiments are likely to
use language in their head when making judgements about colours – so
their behaviour is superficially influenced by language, while everyone
sees the world in the same way.
To progress in this debate,
I believe we need to get closer to the human brain, by measuring
perception more directly, preferably within the small fraction of time
preceding mental access to language. This is now possible, thanks to neuroscientific methods and – incredibly – early results lean in favour of Sapir and Whorf’s intuition.
So, yes, like it or not, it may well be that having different words
means having differently structured minds. But then, given that every
mind on earth is unique and distinct, this is not really a game changer.
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